The Federal Government
and all 36 state governments in Nigeria are right now suffering from high body
temperature caused by a political fever called transition.
Fela used to say that different different fever na him dey;
this transition fever also varies from one state to another. The first aspect
of it, equivalent to shivering, is caused by the Big Boss and his party’s
defeat at the polls. The most severe form of fever occurs where the Boss
himself contested for another term of office and lost, as happened at the Federal
level and in Kaduna State.
The second, slightly less severe type of fever occurs where a
second term governor managed to win a senatorial election but his anointed
candidate went down to defeat in the governorship election, as happened in
Plateau. The third type of feverish feeling occurs where a governor did not
contest the election but his anointed governorship candidate was defeated at
the polls. This happened in Katsina, Jigawa, Rivers and Ebonyi states. Then
there are situations where the governor contested for a senatorial seat and was
defeated, and the candidate he backed for the governorship also went down to
defeat. Such double-jeopardy haemorrhagic fever occurred in Niger, Kebbi, Bauchi,
Adamawa and Benue states.
We can therefore divide the transitions that are taking place
in Nigeria into four categories. The first category is where there is no
transition in the Government House but the state is gearing up to usher in a
new state assembly. In all seven states where this is happening namely Edo,
Ondo, Osun, Ekiti, Anambra, Bayelsa and Kogi the incoming assemblies are
dominated by the state governor’s party, so this transition is relatively
painless.
The second category of transition is where a first term
governor is transiting into his second term. This is the case in Borno, Yobe,
Zamfara, Gombe, Kwara, Oyo and Ogun. Although this is a relatively simple
transition, it might have its complexities. A state governor who is transiting
to his second term must still dissolve his cabinet, sack his special advisers
and special assistants and dissolve the boards of parastatals. Apart from legal
requirements, this move is necessary because after a rigorous election,
political calculations in a state have changed.
Some commissioners proved to be ineffective in the discharge
of their duties; others proved to be politically disloyal. Some commissioners
may be neither ineffective nor disloyal but they must be replaced because in
the course of the campaign some other people proved to be more effective
politically and were promised the positions. Some godfathers may have fallen
aside and their nominees are expendable. A governor who has entered his second
term is no longer running for re-election but for the history books so he would
be looking for technocratic competence in prospective appointees. Cabinet
change is a tricky business in Nigeria because as soon as a man is sacked from
the cabinet he automatically becomes the governor’s political enemy.
The third type of transition is where a governor who has
completed two terms in office is handing over to a friendly governor-elect that
he helped to get elected. This is the case in Sokoto, Kano, Cross River, Akwa
Ibom, Delta, Lagos and Enugu states. This type of transition is generally
rancour free but the changes are more radical than when a man succeeds himself.
A new governor, however politically indebted to his predecessor, must assert
himself. He has his own old circle of friends to please and since he is usually
from a different part of the state, he must alter the zoning and balancing
policy in the state. This is often the first source of friction between a
godfather and his anointed successor. Sometimes it happens with lighting speed
such as between Peter Obi and Willy Obiano in Anambra State. The two men began
to quarrel within a month of the handover.
The fourth and by far the most traumatic transition,
equivalent to convulsion, is where power moves from one political party to
another, in all extant cases from PDP to APC. This is the case in Kebbi,
Katsina, Jigawa, Kaduna, Niger, Plateau, Benue and Ebonyi states as well as at
the Federal level. Ebonyi is a special study where the governor-elect is the
current deputy to Governor Martins Elechi but the latter anointed a different
candidate in the PDP primaries and he resorted to anti-party activity when his
candidate lost. In this kind of transition the jobs of all political appointees
and even some senior civil servants are on the line. Many senior civil servants
often get involved in ruling party politics as do some judicial, military and
police officers. Some royal fathers also join the fray, the best known recent
case being Oba Rilwanu Akiolu of Lagos. His was the kind of political
involvement that once led to a nasty spat between Awujale of Ijebuland Oba
Sikiru Adetona and Governor Bisi Onabanjo in 1979.
By far the most traumatic transition is the one unfolding at
the federal level. Since the president and vice president are leaving office,
all ministers, the State House chief of staff and all the battery of special
advisers, special assistants and senior special assistants must leave as well.
A new Secretary to the Government of the Federation [SGF] and a new National
Security Adviser [NSA] are usually appointed on the first day of the new
regime. In recent years the Head of Service is usually allowed to serve until
retirement. The military service chiefs,
the Police Inspector General and the heads of intelligence agencies are most
likely to be replaced on May 29. Heads of major Federal agencies such as
Customs, Immigration and Prisons have in recent years also had stable tenures,
as has the Governor of the Central Bank. However the Group Managing Director
[GMD] and all executive directors of NNPC are likely to be speedily replaced,
along with the heads of government-owned media organisations NTA, FRCN, VON and
NAN.
Other major posts likely to be eyed by in-coming government
include the heads of Ports Authority, NIMASA, PTDF, FIRS, UBEC and Tetfund. All
non-career ambassadors will be speedily recalled. Career ambassadors may
survive but they may not retain their current postings since the choicest
embassies such as those in UN, USA, UK, France and Saudi Arabia must have been
traded away in the course of the campaign. The boards of government-owned
agencies and companies will also be dissolved though the Federal Government has
learnt in recent years to respect the tenure of university governing councils.
The jostle for positions in the incoming APC regime will be
fought first at the National Assembly. Even though APC allowed a free contest
for its presidential ticket, inter-regional balancing was apparent in its
choice of running mate Yemi Osinbajo. Even though APC was happy that Alhaji
Aminu Tambuwal defied PDP’s zoning formula and snatched the Speaker’s gavel via
an opposition-backed insurgency, APC will now adopt a zoning formula and try to
enforce it. This is proof of the local adage that a barber does not like the
feel of a sharp knife on his own scalp.
While all the jostling for appointments is going on, we hope
that incoming rulers at all levels will remember to write a program of rule.
There is a lot of handing over notes to study. Then there are many things to
probe. In Nigeria new rulers invariably accuse their predecessors of
mismanagement and embezzlement and they institute probe panels. Usually there
is a wholesale review of contracts already awarded on suspicion that the costs
were inflated. Almost every inherited project and program must be reviewed on
suspicion that it is a white elephant. While such reviews are going on
contractors’ payments are always withheld, making interest on bank loans to
pile up and ultimately ruin many a businessman.
At the federal level in particular there are major policies
and programs that APC must review in order to expunge PDP self-interest. These
include import tariffs, waivers, fuel subsidy payments, privatisation of
corporations, weapons deals, foreign military assistance programs, security
contracts, power sector reforms, foreign exchange regime etc. That is why
transition in Nigeria is the political equivalent of Lassa fever.
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